Sense of Community among Traditional Alcoholic Beverage Drinkers in Surakarta

Received: 01-Nov-2022, Manuscript No. JDAR-22-83576; Editor assigned: 03-Nov-2022, Pre QC No. JDAR-22-83576 (PQ); Reviewed: 17-Nov-2022, QC No. JDAR-22-83576; Revised: 22-Nov-2022, Manuscript No. JDAR-22-83576 (R); Published: 29-Nov-2022, DOI: 10.4303/JDAR/236209

Introduction

Ciu, particularly Ciu Bekonang, is intimately acquainted to fans of traditional alcoholic beverages in Indonesia. When they mention ciu, their minds immediately go to Bekonang, which is a ciu production center in the Bekonang area.Ciu is a type of alcoholic beverage that is traditionally produced in Telukan Village and the surrounding villages, which were included in the Kawedanan Bekonang area or Bekonang District during the Dutch colonial period and are now equivalent to sub-districts. Traditional alcoholic beverages, according to Menot et al., 2022 in Drinking Culture in Indonesia, are alcoholic beverages that are made traditionally and handed down from generation to generation, made on a regular basis, and are used as a requirement for customs or religious ceremonies (rituals). Furthermore, the community consumes local alcoholic beverages in order to strengthen the bonds of brotherhood among fellow community members and to become a part of the treatment. Thus, the presence of alcoholic beverages has different values and norms depending on the culture and perspective of the people [1]. Similarly, ciu serves several functions in Surakarta society, including ritual, being a mixture of “bobok” or parem for body massage, maintaining body stamina, social solidarity, and channeling social burdens to fulfill the psychological needs of the drinkers.

Drinking takes on significance in regard to the history of human life because it reflects how a life is perceived, experienced, interpreted, and accepted in relation to the function of ciu as a component of the drinker’s psychological needs. Humans living their lives are not only striving to meet biological and functional needs. Humans try to make sense of their lives as well. Things that were originally biological in nature and fulfilled basic needs evolved into something more complex. However, according to Lohjati, 2011 in The Art of Drinking, “drinking” began as a simple thing. However, when examined carefully, every drinking is never simple; rather, it becomes an important event related to how a life is seen, experienced, interpreted, and accepted. Consequently, drinking is no longer simple; rather, it has become an important aspect of human survival [2].

Humans are not only trying to full fill biological and functional needs when they live their lives. Humans, too, try to make sense of their lives. Things that were once biological in nature and fulfilled basic needs evolved into something more complex. Style has now become an inseparable part of lifestyle. According to Piliang and Jaelani, 2018 in Teori Budaya Kontemporer [Contemporary Cultural Theory], various signs are used to distinguish oneself from other people, groups, and communities [3]. Humans create meaning through their lifestyle. Lifestyle is closely related to material culture, which is based on object form. The physicality of the object, which makes it appear sensual, faithless, and improbable of its true nature. Material culture refers to the various things, objects, or spaces that help humans define themselves. Their lifestyles are always linked or built by elements such as capital, object condition, habitus, disposition, practice, sign system, and taste (2018:181- 199). According to Chaney, (2011) in Lifestyles: A Comprehensive Introduction, lifestyles are patterns or actions that distinguish one person from another. As a result, lifestyle can help us understand what people do, why they do it, and whether what they do is meaningful to them and others. Drinking is one example of a shift in meeting basic human needs. Ciu as a drink of choice and the Pangunci community as a community of ciu drinkers are subcultures that exist as a social reality in Surakarta. They have a distinct style and interpret ciu drinking differently than ciu drinkers outside their community [4].

Initially, drinking only serves to meet the biological needs of the body. Drinking has evolved to be more than just putting water in one’s mouth; it now serves a more complex symbolic function. Drinking is both a cultural issue and a way of life. Drinking is a complicated subject. Drinking is present in lifestyle ecology in the form of cafes, bars, discotheques, restaurants, various celebration events, stalls, and the like, each with its own serving style, drinking method, and characteristics. Everyone can select the method, place, and drinking control that best meets their needs. The same thing happened in ciu. When ciu became the drink of choice for its fans, it experienced a shift in basic needs and grew more complex. Ciu has become a part of culture because its production and consumption of self-signs serves numerous functions, including satisfying the drinker’s psychological needs.

One of the values in community psychology that must be studied if we are to investigate, design interventions, or develop a Ciu drinking community is a sense of community. The word “sense of community” refers to the sensation of belonging to or membership to any community [5]. According to McMillan and Chavis, (1986), the sense that members of a community are associated by a sense of belonging to a community, feelings of mutual concern among members and care for their group, and shared beliefs that members need that will be met with a common commitment is defined as a sense of community [6]. To fully grasp the concept of sense of community, we must first comprehend its aspects or dimensions. There are four elements or dimensions of a sense of community, among others; membership in a community, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection.

Individual perceptions of belonging, coherence, and ties with groups are expressed through the elements of sense of community. Community psychologists are interested in studying what features or characteristics of the environment influence community members’ sense of community [7]. Individuals and their environments (physical and social environments), as well as environmental systems, are the subjects of study on sense of community. Identity as a drinker of traditional alcoholic beverages plays a critical role in keeping the closeness that has existed and further improving the cohesiveness between group members, ensuring that the Pangunci community in Bekonang retains and does not perish.

Current study explores a sense of community that influences the ciu drinker community in Surakarta to choose ciu as their preferred beverage. In the tradition of drinking ciu, there is a sense of community that can make each member of the community feel responsible for their respective duties [8]. Each drinker is responsible for exercising complete self-control. Sense of community is a multidimensional construct, which consists of membership, influence, emotional relations between members, fulfilment of needs between members, and interpersonal relationships. The meaning of social cohesiveness and the desire to ask for help indicates fulfilment of needs, altruistic behaviour indicates influence, and status as a migrant indicates membership and emotional connection between members.

Review of related literature

Previous related studies discussed about the drinking habits, traditions and drinking motivations among others, such as alcohol consumption and drug use among college students and discovered that the social environment had a significant influence on young people [9]. Motivational patterns and alcohol use among college students can be distinguished into three significant factors, such as heavy drinkers with many alcohol-related problems, drinkers who drank primarily for pleasure, and male beer drinkers with strong sensation seeking motivations [10]. In addition, Kuntsche et al., (2015) study on higher drinking frequency differences between boys’ and girls’ alcohol consumptions in Europe discovered that boys had a proclivity for alcohol, the majority of whom were from Northern Europe, and their drinking motivations were increased levels of social, enhancement, and coping motives [11]. Beer consumption in Hong Kong is influenced by the symbolism of the dominant product [12]. Young women’s drinking in a neoliberal social context increases the tension in their engagement with drunken culture [13]. Marinoni et al., (2021) examined the long-term emotional, social, and behavioral impacts of high caffeine energy drink consumption on participants aged 0 to 18 years [14]. Energy drink consumption was primarily motivated by taste and a desire for energy, and it typically took place at home or while participating in sports or other leisure activities without consideration of any potential health consequences. Hunt and Barker (2001) studied the anthropological state of alcohol and drug research and examined the range and theoretical underpinnings to study drugs and social issues for possible future model [15].

The subject of community psychology research is the same as the level of analysis in community psychology research in general. Individuals, microsystems, and macrosystems are among the levels of analysis (countries). Organizational to macrosystems research typically explores what things exist in the community that are related to or can influence each individual’s sense of community. Young (2017) adopts the sense of community index to measure an individual’s sense of community [16]. Young also employs the observation approach to assess community sense. Young studied the idea of community in the theatre community. Measuring sense of community is an assessment procedure, and the results can be used to build interventions to develop a sense of community or empower the community. Sense of community must be established since it plays a significant role in many contexts, one of which is the significance of sense of community in the digital era, specifically sense of community on social networking sites. Through group formation training, Ray, (2017) identified the impact of a sense of community in office personnel. When employees complete group formation training, a sense of community begins to emerge. Employees who work together in a company or department require affection, value, and a sense of community [17].

According to Forenza and Lardier (2017), people feel encouraged to do better and stay on track to reach their objectives [18]. According to Sohi et al. (2018), individual participation in community activities and, as a result, social networks built by individuals boost social welfare [19]. One of the most crucial aspects of building a feeling of community is the value of a community [20]. The community will expand over time. The community is expected to last for a long time, to progress toward the objective, and to grow constantly and sustainably for future generations. Members of a community with extensive experience and a strong sense of community will have a personal goal to build and serve the community. However, the environment is changing, particularly in terms of technology, such as the rapid development of social media, which might have an impact on the existence of a community. Initiatives to continue building and maintaining a community can be carried out through deeper research on communities and society, advocacy, and programed efforts. All of this must be built on the importance of community. Even in the face of continuing social change, a sense of community can be maintained through the value of community.

According to Fagan and Trudeau (2014) study [21], there are three factors that have implications for increasing the sense of community:

a. Physical Typology which includes differences and designs, such as road access, compactness, to, land use type, transportation, connectivity, design quality, and aesthetics. This typology is also related to the population’s assessment of the typological quality of the physical environment. In other words, these categories are related to both objective typologies (such as density and compactness) and subjective typologies (population perceptions).

b. Demographics and socioeconomic which include demographic and social aspects such as ethnicity, race, religion, and socioeconomic status. Some experts conclude that demography and socio-economic influences the sense of community. Measurements of demographic and socioeconomic variables include age, gender, marital status, household size, education, religion, ethnicity, place of birth, and the number of people in a household who are under 18 years of age;

c. Perceptions of people’s culture, it is stated that belief is an inclusive representation of various cultural and social perceptions.

Methods

This study was designed using qualitative methods and qualitative descriptive analysis techniques to derive humanistic descriptive data, specifically understanding the meaning that underpins participants’ actions and understanding the situation in a limited scope [22]. This method emphasizes the depth of information by conducting interviews with informant data sources [23]. In-depth interviews were conducted with members of the Surakarta Kasunanan Palace’s Lembaga Dewan Adat (LDA) [the Traditional Council Institution], palace courtiers, ciu consumers who identified themselves as Pangunci Community, both inside and outside the Surakarta Palace, as well as ciu drinkers outside the Pangunci Community, ciu agents, ciu distributors, society, and various parties involved. Furthermore, various documents such as archives, books, scientific articles, and newspapers were used as references for written sources in this study. In addition, this study also followed McMillan and Chavis’ (1986) sense of community theory, which included membership, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional bond in a community [6].

Results and Discussion

Pangunci and the underlying motivation of the community

Motivation arises from a person’s interaction with various situations. According to Siagian in Motivation Theory and Its Applications, there is a difference in the strength of motivation evidenced by a person when challenged with certain situations when compared to other people faced with the same situation [24]. In fact, someone will exhibit a particular inclination when dealing with different situations and at various times. Motivation is defined in various ways. The word “motivation” comes from the Latin word movere, which means “to move.” In various definitions of motivation, desires, hopes, needs, goals, objectives, and drives are all common elements. Thus, a motive is a psychological state that encourages, activates, or moves a person’s behavior, attitudes, and actions, all of which are always associated with the achievement of each individual’s personal goals. Motivation is divided into three components needs, drives, and goals. The need, which is the first aspect of motivation, arises in a person when he perceives a deficiency in himself. Psychologically, the need will arise or be created if there is a perceived imbalance between what is owned and what should be owned. It will look for something that must have it. Efforts to rectify the imbalance generate incentives. Thus, encouragement is an attempt to fill a deficiency that is oriented to specific actions that are consciously carried out by someone. The next step is to set a goal. A goal, according to motivation theory, is anything that eliminates a need and reduces a drive. In other words, achieving a goal entail reclaiming one’s self-control [24].

One of the most significant factors in building a sense of community is the value of a community [20]. The community will continue to grow over time. The community is expected to last a long time, progress toward the objective, and develop continually and sustainably for future generations. Similarly, the sense of community aspects manifests in Pangunci Community of Surakarta. Ciu is a popular traditional alcoholic beverage in Indonesia. Ciu reflects the position of material power as an object of production, and certain communities require the presence of ciu as part of their preferences. Pangunci community has spread throughout Surakarta society, both inside and outside of the Keraton Surakarta. In Surakarta, there are three types of ciu drinkers:

1. Pangunci within the Keraton Surakarta,

2. Pangunci outside the Keraton Surakarta,

3. ciu drinkers outside Pangunci (whom the public perceived them as Pangunci).

First, Pangunci within the Surakarta palace is an abbreviation of Pakempalan Ngunjuk Ciu, which ran from 2004 to 2009. They gathered in the Siti Hinggil area of Keraton Surakarta at Bale Bang. They meet at a specific time/ occasion. During the “nggamel” practice, Abdi Dalem Pengrawit and Abdi Dalem Anggong congregate. After the “nggamel” practice event, Pangunci gathered to immediately continue with the Bawa Rasa Ngangsu Kawruh event. The “nggamel” practice is usually held on Thursday. Its membership is informal and limited, consisting of Abdi Dalem Pengrawit, Abdi Dalem Anggong, and members of the surrounding community who participated in the Bhawa Rasa Ngangsu Kawruh event led by the Pengageng of Mandra Budaya Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta, Bandoro Kanjeng Pangeran Haryo Prabuwinoto, who was invited through jawilan. The recruitment system for its members is determined directly by the Keraton Pengageng. A series of procedures accompany the tradition of drinking ciu. Beginning with Pangunci sitting on the floor and forming a circle. Then before the Bhawa Rasa Ngangsu Kawruh event begins, ciu is served as an appetizer that functions as a body warmer (tombo anget) as well as kagem gayeng- gayeng for fellow ciu lovers.

Second, Pangunci outside of Keraton Surakarta is an abbreviation for Paguyuban Ngunjuk Ciu, which has existed since 2004. The group coordinator’s information determines when and where they will meet. As a result, the decision is reached through the mutual agreement of its members. They gather at a specific time/occasion. Typically, the day chosen is a Saturday or a holiday, or on a special occasion, such as when a group member celebrates a wedding, a baby’s birthday, or other celebrations. The agreement of the members determines membership. Wong Anyar [a newcomer] in this community has characteristics that Pangunci members are familiar with. As a result, Pangunci membership is determined by an agreement reached with Pangunci members. They replicated the Pangunci drinking guide in the Keraton Surakarta, but not all of the members remembered the Serat Tatatjara’s 10 drinking representations. It all started with a gathering of Pangunci members [25]. If a lesehan is available, they sit in a circle formation on it; if a chair and a table are available; they sit in an orderly manner and form a circular sequence formation. Then, according to an agreement among the group members, one member is specifically chosen to be in charge of pouring ciu into shot or called Bang. There is only one-shot glass, and it is used for ngunjuk ciu together, taking turns and taking turns for all Pangunci members who attended the event. The gathering place’s host began ngunjuk ciu on the first shot, and then Bang filled the ciu back into the next shot glass, which the host used to drink alternately in turns by the entire community present. Ngunjuk ciu remains to some extent dependent on each individual’s personal ability to assess how much influence the level of drinking has on them. There are unwritten rules of the game in this community that are enforced when this community gathers for ngunjuk ciu. This Pangunci community has a distinct ciu drinking pattern from other ciu fans outside the community. They are not a group of ciu enthusiasts who are known by the general public as drunks, and when they drink ciu beyond their body’s limits, they act disruptively.

Sense of community among the Pangunci

A sense of community is a term used to describe the feeling of belonging to any community [19]. According to McMillan and Chavis, (1986), there are four elements or dimensions of a sense of community: membership in a community, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection, all of which, according to researchers, are relevant to the ciu drinker community in Surakarta as a member of a certain community [6]. Membership is based on a sense of belonging and sharing. There are restrictions on membership, which means that some people can be members of the community and others cannot. Boundaries can be defined using a symbol system. Members of a community who have clear boundaries will feel emotionally safe. This activity will then deepen the sense of belonging and identification with the community. This is evidenced by the three distinct groups of ciu drinkers, implying that the Pangunci community is distinct from the dominant society. This community has shown its critical side by dismissing the societal stigma where ciu fans have been always portrayed as deviant and socially dysfunctional. This aspiration gave rise to the Pangunci Community, which developed their own attitudes, lifestyle, and identity to show that such community is markedly different from the style of ciu drinkers in general in Surakarta, that the image of ciu drinkers is elegant while also distinguishing themselves from ciu drinkers outside the Pangunci Community. Similarly, the Pangunci community’s consumption of ciu is one of their signs that distinguishes them from other groups, presuming that ciu has the same aim, namely to be more open and flexible when interacting. Pangunci members believe that ciu is a traditional liquor that is suitable for drinking, no difference from excise liquor and labeled by the Ministry of Health, that ciu has a cheaper price and the same quality and effect as other branded liquors that are the same intensely pleasurable (Table 1).

Table 1: Sense of community among the Pangunci

The second dimension is on the influence. Membership in a community is more appealing when one believes they can influence the community’s direction and the group itself is strong enough to bring members along with it and defend their interests [26]. This is relevant to Pangunci community, where they believe on the need for value and meaning. The value is very broad and can refer to anything, including struggle, solidarity, decency, economy, and friends. Drinking ciu serves a complex symbolic function and is part of the Surakarta sociocultural community of ciu drinkers. Ciu drinking tradition has become a daily part of the drinking community, passing down from their forefathers. Drinking ciu has several functions for the people of Surakarta, particularly as a requirement for traditional rituals and herbal medicine as a stamina booster. In addition to life value and meaning, there is a need for self-image. This self-image is closely related to the need to establish the user’s personal existence. They want their presence to be noticed by those around them. Loss of self-identity will result in pathological behaviors such as restlessness, impulsivity, being easily influenced, etc.

Reinforcement is the belief that belonging to a significant group results in the fulfilment of resources. If community members participate in the community, their needs will be met personally [6]. This situation is what we refer to the aspects of integration and fulfillment of needs. Similarly, Pangunci community members will meet the needs of others while also meeting their own. When ciu is served in a shot glass, it is confined by a specific procedure for ngunjuk ciu, which involves there is one person who is specifically tasked with pouring ciu into shot called Bang. The one-shot glass that is only offered and one-shot glass that is also used for ngunjuk ciu together, everyone taking turns for the entire Pangunci Community who attended the event is what makes ngunjuk ciu special in the Pangunci Community. On the first shot, Bandoro Kanjeng Pangeran Haryo Prabuwinoto began the ngunjuk ciu before passing the glass to the Pangunci members. Bang then poured the ciu back into the shot glass that had been used by Bandoro Kanjeng Pangeran Haryo Prabuwinoto for the community members present to take turns in drinking. Ngunjuk ciu continues to some extent in line with each person’s individual capacity to assess the degree of influence that drinking has on them, as stated in the Serat Primbon Pradikaning Minum. The serat (manuscript) comprises a parable description of the behavior of alcoholic beverages in 10 terms of levels of drinking alcohol and the influence of each level of alcoholic beverages on the attitude of their consumers. Pangunci is given the Serat Primbon as a signal to enjoy ciu. Bandoro Kanjeng Pangeran Haryo Prabuwino directly encourages control when this community consumes ciu. Ciu, a traditional alcoholic beverage that has been passed down from generation to generation, serves a number of purposes in addition to being the preferred beverage in this community, including, body warming (tombo anget), a combination of herbs to maintain body stamina, and “warming drink” atmosphere” or kagem gayeng-gayeng companions of ciu, as a canalization of societal burdens, ciu can present a flying effect at a reasonable cost (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Community boundary of Ciu drinking community (Pangunci)

Drinking ciu serves a social function in addition to its cultural function in the Surakarta community. It serves as a binder of social solidarity in the community. In relation to the function of ciu as a social bond, the three groups of ciu drinkers are social realities that exist and spread in Surakarta society. Each of these groups has its own meaning in terms of enjoying ciu. The Pangunci community sees ciu not only as an object, but also in their appreciation of how ciu is meaningful to them. Ciu drinking for the Pangunci Community is done at specific times, in specific places, and at specific events, and it is done with a set of rules as an aesthetic control for elegant ciu connoisseurs, which is also a differentiator with ciu drinkers outside the Pangunci community. Pangunci members’ caring attitude stems from a shared emotional connection based on a shared understanding of social order in the surrounding community [6]. The community members’ shared emotional connection is reflected in experiences that lead to the formation of a sense of togetherness through self-control when consuming this alcoholic beverage. However, when a ciu drunk is found causing unrest in their environment, the Pangunci community does not hesitate to take direct action. The unrest caused by the drunks has harmed the ciu fan community’s image as an elegant community based on the Pangunci community. The Pangunci community created this image and confirm their presence as a typical community that does not drink ciu to just get drunk or to channel their emotions. This community looks after its members’ aesthetic control when drinking ciu, ensuring that alcoholism does not have a negative impact on the environment. They are in contrast to the previous pattern of ciu fans. Anticipation of this type of rejection starts as early as possible, with Bang’s selection of group members to control when pouring ciu into a shot, which plays a critical role in controlling each member’s body’s ability to enjoy ciu. This applies until the ngunjuk ciu Pangunci “guyup rukun” event is completed. Guyub rukun refers to a peaceful gathering in this community. An interview with Mr. SM (name withheld by the researcher) as a member of the Pangunci Community as well as a ciu agent explained that the guyub rukun atmosphere that was created when they gathered served as the foundation for understanding this community, which they called the Paguyuban Ngunjuk Ciu community, as the guyub rukun community from ciu fan.

Conclusion

The four elements or dimensions of a sense of community, such as membership in a community, influence, integration and fulfilment of needs, and shared emotional connection were found in the community attitudes on drinking ciu. The sense of belonging and identification with the community evidenced by the three distinct groups of ciu drinkers, implying that the Pangunci community is distinct from common society. Membership in Pangunci community believe that they can influence the community’s direction and the group itself to bring members along with it and defend their interests on the need for value and meaning. The community value concerns a broad perspective including struggle, solidarity, decency, economy, and friends. Drinking ciu serves a complex symbolic function and is part of the Surakarta sociocultural community of ciu drinkers, which has been preserved unsurprisingly as a daily tradition among such drinking community. In addition to the community members’ shared emotional connection in Pangunci is reflected in their psychosocial experiences that lead to the formation of a sense of togetherness through self-control when consuming this alcoholic beverage.

Acknowledgement

None.

Conflict of Interest

Authors have no conflict of interest to declare.

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